Committees of Safety Will Save America

Our Goal is to create 3133 Committees of Safety to save America.
Presently 111 Committes of Safety have been formed or are in the process of being formed.

CLICK HERE TO REGISTER your Committee of Safety

The purpose of NLA is to facilitate Education, Communications, Principles and Organization Nationally at the grass roots level in order to enable the People to exercise their unalienable right of oversite and save Our Republic. Our founders formed Committes of Safety throughout the colonies which were used to organize and communicate ideas of Liberty and the construction of our Republic.

"An enlightened citizenry is indispensable for the proper functioning of a republic. Self-government is not possible unless the citizens are educated sufficiently to enable them to exercise oversight. It is therefore imperative that the nation see to it that a suitable education be provided for all its citizens.“ -- Thomas Jefferson


After starting a COS in your County CLICK HERE TO REGISTER YOUR COMMITTEE OF SAFETY so that others can find your COS and we don't duplicate our efforts with more then one COS in your County.


COS Committee Chairman and National Coordinator - Ron at (501) 590-3321

Download copy of Committee of Safety Power Point Video
To download the following videos, right click the link and click save link as.

Committees of Safety Audio

Committees of Safety Documents
See Handbook below for step by step instructions to create a COS

Click SAVING AMERICA to get a list of NLA leaders working in your state that are committed in helping to build Committees of Safety in every County in your State.


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The following are recordings of our weekly HAM Radio calls held on Wednesday at 8PM EST Click on for details to join us. Committee of Corespondence Chair person or a represenative on that committee should attend for the preperation of emergency communications.



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NLA Revolution


deckape's picture

This is from the latest FBI ANON post. I repost it here for the benefit of National Liberty Alliance  members working so hard, against all odds, to restore our Republic.  Stay the course, and keep faith in the 'PROCESS'. It has ALWAYS been working. Last year, TWICE , I was given ultra high level intel from the White Hats that our National Liberty Alliance  efforts have the cabal elite shaking in their boots, in their out of sight, smoke filled back rooms. What we are doing matters...a LOT. The White Hats gave me these bones because they understand us NLA members do not 'SEE' the immediate results of our efforts. They know how blind we are to evaluating real progress from our perspective. They wanted the NLA members to know we are the MOST influential group going, that our efforts are the most feared by the cabal, from the grass roots level. They wanted us to know how much we are helping the White Hats do their job. And so today, this new post by FBI ANON comes out stating exactly the same thing...our efforts DO matter, they ARE  succeeding, we ARE gaining ground, we are helping, we are making a HUGE difference. I felt this was important enough to repost, to refocus on what I have said many times before, to remind ourselves, us NLA members especially, that  we can, are, and will continue to, MAKE A DIFFERENCE. A little validation now and again is good for all those working so hard to git 'er done. Below is the direct comments from the FBI ANON post that validates my intel: (interviewer) So what's the upshot of all this. You're telling us to redpill people and not giving us anything to go off of. The stuff we know everyone already knows but is too afraid to say. Give us something real. ( FBI ANON) Motivation to keep doing what you're doing. It's working and it's helping. Sure there is a lot of banter, but that makes work productive. Because of your diverse origins and semi anonymity, you've become this chaotic nexus of intel and truth. Keep finding dirt on these people spreading it through your alternative media sources and we will follow leads. If there is enough credible evidence we'll nab them.

vhannevig's picture

On 5/4/17 the historical background of Committees of Safety (COS) was provided to show the part they played in the formation of our intended form of government*.   Last week (5/11/17) focus was on compliance with rules; specifically, Robert's Rules**, their use and misuse.  Additional discussion led to the first two paragraphs of the COS' 1776 Declaration*** and the fact that there were compromises**** within the debates which led to the drafting of the Constitution that was submitted to the states for approval by the delegates therein.  
Now having a succinct and accurate identification of both the historical problems and inherent solutions given to us by those who actively participated in the penning of that 1776 Declaration, join us on May 18th at 9pm ET***** as we continue to explore the National Liberty Alliance, Committee of Safety Handbook with a focus on action.  To prepare for this call familarize yourself with the "Definitions of Terms" provided in Henry Dunning . Macleod's 1892 book; The Theory and Practice of Banking -
***** Call-in number (605) 475-3250 access code 449389# or, click on the icon to use your browser at
COS' are systemically active assemblies.  They typically follow a natural pattern of group behaviors; forming, storming, norming and performing.  Those who endure are sure to reap the fruits of their labor.  :-)

John Robert Abens's picture

This is my first meeting in this Committe. Very interesting. The online book "Pawns in the game" was recommended as a must read. Going to google the free PDF file in a few moments. I was busy today taking notes on the YouTube video "Secrets Police Don't Want You To Know" by Eddie Craig. This is not a primary procedure for law, but it is definitely a secondary plan if you want to know how to set up an excellent case for rights violations. It's a long video, but should be watched at least once. I would love for someone else here to view it and get back to me for a discussion on his knowledge and methods. I am new to NLA, but have completed my Constitution course and trying to complete my Civics course. Currently stuck on Section XI chapter 3, but hoping to conquer this chapter soon. I have dreamed of a unified body of people trying to bring back our Republic and Common Law for the virtuous People and the Spiritual Man as defined in the Holy Bible. I am getting more involved here as I truely beleive in peaceful procedure. I hope to be an active Grand Jury Administrator soon. Feel free to contact me.

deckape's picture

Niki...great work on your posts for materials to prep for the call. It's all there. You da best. Thx.

vhannevig's picture

For your convenience, in preparation for this upcoming discussion on Roberts Rules, the pdf links for various versions of Roberts Rules and First Amendment's 2014 comment ( about Roberts Rules' relevance to assemblies are pasted below.

Although I am a general fan of Roberts Rules of Order, I have seen this abused by localities throughout the nation. Open time for the public to speak on topics that will affect the locality, I have seen speakers take a serious beating and get removed as though that speaking time is actual law. Robert's Rules of Order is not law, just recommendations for civil meetings.
When a person is speaking and the issue the person is speaking on, time should be extended if the matter is pressing and important to the people. Tyrants will block sound presentations by the people.
On the other side of that coin, people also need to know that if they believe their presentation will go beyond the normally prescribed time frame, arrangements can be made in advance to do so with a local administrator who will make the proper arrangements for you to do so.

Submitted by First Amendment... on Tue, 11/04/2014 - 22:13

deckape's picture

Otis Story
From 'Sovereign Duty' by KrisAnne Hall about a speech given by James Otis Jr. in 1761.'Forty years later, John Adams would write about that day in court with James Otis Jr.& With a promptitude of classical allusions, a depth of research, a rapid summary of historical events and dates, a profusion of legal authorities, a prophetic glare of his eyes into ( the future), and a rapid torrent of impetuous eloquence, he hurried away all before him. American Independence was then and there born. The seeds of Patriots and Heroes- to defend the vigorous youth , were then and there sewn. Every man of an immense crowded audience, appeared to me to go away, as I did, ready to take up arms against Writs of Assistance ( the king's executive note). Then and there, was the first scene of the first act of opposition to the arbitrary claims of Great Britain- then and there the child of independence was born. In fifteen years, namely in 1776, he grew up to manhood and declared himself free. & [ John Adams ( March 29, 1817) Personal letter to William Tudor, 'Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States' , Little Brown and Company, 1856, vol. 10, pages 247 para. 5 ]...Adams there and then asserted, & I will to my dying day oppose, with all my powers and faculties God has given me, all the instruments of slavery on the one hand and villainy on the other as this Writs of Assistance is & ......With the clarity that history provides we can see that James Otis Jr. was not alone in the courtroom that day. He was being watched by Samuel Adams, John Adams, Richard Henry Lee, and many of the men who would BECOME Liberty for the new nation......From that courtroom Samuel Adams left so supercharged that he formed the Committees of Correspondence ; groups that would be established throughout the colonies to educate beyond the government controlled media, unite Liberty minded patriots , and fight for liberty......Their first publication was a booklet called the ' The Boston Pamphlet', a series of reports outlining colonists rights and Parliament's infringements upon those rights......Because of the education provided to the colonists through these Committees of Correspondence, Samuel Adams also formed the first Political Action Committee...called the & Sons of Liberty &.......The most famous action of the Sons of Liberty was the Boston Tea Party.' ( end of quote...many thanks KrisAnne).And THAT is where the COMMITTEES OF SAFETY came from. Jumpstart a COMMITTEE OF SAFETY in YOUR county. Help the National Libery Alliance help YOU help All of us.EVERYONE, EVERYWHERE can help in this process in YOUR county. With whatever time you have, on whatever matter is of local concern.FORM A COMMITTEE OF SAFETY.Take back your town. Take back your county. Take back your state.And we ALL take back our Republic.This is the link to the NLA Committee of Safety video
Committee Of Correspondence
In Provincial Congress,Concord, April 12, 1775.HEREAS the Preservation of our Country from Slavery, depends under God, on an effectual Execution of the Continental and Provincial Measures for that Purpose:RESOLVED, That there be now appointed for each County in this Colony, a Committee consisting of Five Persons, any Three of whom to be a Quorum, whose Business it shall be, to receive from the Committees of Correspondence in their respective Counties, a State of the Conduct of the Towns and Districts, with Respect to their having executed the Continental and Provincial Plans as aforesaid ; and it shall be the Duty of said Committees to meet on the first Wednesdays of May, July, September, November, January and March, and prepare a Report of the same, to be laid before the Congress at it's then next Session, that any Neglect of such Towns and Districts in executing such Plans, may be speedily and effectually remedied.Also, RESOLVED, That it be, and it is hereby strongly recommended, to the Committees of Correspondence in the several Towns and Districts in this Colony, some Time before the first Wednesday in May, July, September, November, January and March aforesaid, to render to any one of the Members of their County Committees aforesaid, a true State of the Conduct of their respective Towns and Districts, with Respect to their having executed each Plan recommended by the Continental and Provincial Congresses ; and to use their utmost Diligence for this important Purpose.And whereas some Towns and Districts in the Colony, may be destitute of so excellent an Institution as Committees of Correspondence :RESOLVED, That it be, and it hereby is strongly recommended to such Towns and Districts, forthwith to choose them, and to afford them Assistance at all Times, in effectually suppressing the Efforts of the Enemies of America, whenever they shall make them.Signed by Order of the Provincial Congress,John Hancock , President.
This article is from the Encyclopedia of North Carolina edited by William S. Powell. Copyright © 2006 by the University of North Carolina Press. Used by permission of the publisher. For personal use and not for further distribution. Please submit permission requests for other use directly to the publisher.
Top of Form
Committees of Safety
by Carmen Miner Smith, 2006
When the American colonists laid by the petition for the musket, prepared to put their strength to the test in defense of their rights, the machinery of the English colonial governments was hampered, and at length rendered helpless by the withdrawal of popular support. That government rested on the supremacy of England over her dependencies, enforced by governors and other royal officials, but workable only with the co-operation of the colonists in their assemblies. When discontent rose to rebellion, the government, comprising two irreconcilable elements in the governors and assemblies, came of necessity to a standstill. The executive attempted to silence the insurrection by dissolving the assemblies, but the people found other channels of expression. Representatives to provincial conventions were elected and gradually assumed entire control.
These conventions served the purpose of deliberative and legislative bodies as well as the former assemblies, but it was difficult for them to perform executive duties on account of their size. Moreover it was impossible to keep such large bodies continually in session, and in the frequent recesses and the intervals between a dissolution and the meeting of a new congress there was need of some system by which the government could be carried on without interruption. It was to meet these wants that the conventions appointed Committees of Safety during the earlier years of the Revolution. They served as the chief executive of the province in the transition period from colonial to state government.
Opposition culminated early in Massachusetts and that province was the first to choose a Committee of Safety. The spirit of resistance ran high in Boston in the fall of 1774. The white tents of the British on the Common, the cannon that Gage had planted to command the town, the fleet riding in the harbor, brought no thought of submission to the people; rather they were used as effective illustrations by their leaders to point the wrongs of the colonists and the tyranny of England. A martial spirit had sprung up; the people brought together arms and ammunition and drilled in small companies. The situation was discussed in club, convention and committee, and acceptance of armed resistance if necessary was the common outcome of their deliberations.
Alarmed at the firmness displayed by the people and their preparations for defense, Gage felt it unsafe to allow the General Court to meet and issued a proclamation discharging the members from attendance. But the colonists refused to be denied expression at this critical moment. Ninety of the delegates assembled at the time appointed for the Assembly, October 5. 1774, and finding the Governor unwilling to recognize them, formed themselves into a Provincial Congress. A committee was chosen October 20, to consider what was necessary for the safety and defense of the Province and their report was given and accepted on the twenty-sixth.
The Committee reviewed the grievances of the colonies, and while it denied somewhat too strenuously that the people had the most distant idea of attacking or molesting the King’s troops in any way, it was held that the necessity of providing against possible contingencies dictated the following measures: first, the appointment of a Committee of Safety to continue in office until further order, whose duty it was to be to keep careful watch of any person attempting &the destruction, invasion, detriment, or annoyance of the province.& The Committee, or any five of its number (providing not more than one was a citizen of Boston) were authorized, whenever they judged the safety of the people required, to call out the militia to such places as they thought fit, to see that the men were well armed, equipped and provisioned and to keep them in service as long as necessary. All officers and soldiers were earnestly requested to give obedience to the commands of the Committee; second, the appointment of a Committee of Supplies to make provisions for the reception and support of the troops if called out, and to purchase without delay, for the Colony, cannon, small arms and ammunition; third, the appointment of general officers to command the forces. The militia were recommended to choose company officers and to enlist minute-men ready to march at the first call of the Committee of Safety. The inhabitants were urged to perfect themselves in military discipline and to provide arms and powder.
These proposals spoke plainly of war. The Congress foresaw its probability and was determined to meet it well prepared. It was left with the Committee of Safety to take the decisive step of calling the troops into the field and of turning the struggle from passive resistance to civil war. Like a sentinel it was to watch the approach of the enemy and give the signal for attack.
The Committee was chosen on October 27, 1774, and was composed of nine members, three from Boston and six from the country districts.It existed until February 9, 1775, when a new Committee of Safety was chosen of eleven members, most of them, however, identical with those of the first appointment. As time passed and the situation became more critical the Provincial Congress realized the danger of leaving entirely to the Committee of Safety the decision of the grounds and time for resistance. In this second appointment therefore the Committee was authorized to call out the militia only if an attempt were made to execute by force the two laws, &for the Better Government of Massachusetts,& and &for the Impartial Administration of Justice.& Even as thus limited the discretionary power of the Committee was large. What constituted a forcible attempt to carry out the laws might be open to dispute, and the Committee might give the signal on too slight occasion. The support of the other colonies was not assured, while weighed with England in numbers, resources and military skill, Massachusetts hung but lightly in the balance. The thought that the Committee, in its confidence and enthusiasm, might force the conflict prematurely, made the more thoughtful afraid of its power. Joseph Hawley, a member of the Provincial Congress, wrote from Northampton on February 22, 1775, &I have been most seriously contemplating the commission and most important trust of our Committee of Safety, and especially that branch of it which relates to their mustering the minute-men, and others of the militia . . . the soldiers when thus mustered . . . will suppose it their duty to fight . . . they will suppose the continent to have devolved the resolution of that question upon this province, and that this province has devolved it on the Committee of Safety and that the Committee by calling them, have decided it. . . . Thus hostilities will be commenced . . . I beg of you therefore, as you love your country, to use your utmost Influence with our Committee of Safety that the people be not mustered, and hostilities be not commenced, until we have the express categorical decision of the continent, that the time is absolutely come that hostilities ought to commence.& Events, however, demanded positive action of Massachusetts too soon to obtain such united assent.
The Committee of Safety came together for the first time November 7, 1774. There seems to have been no doubt in the minds of the members from the first that the outcome of events was to be war. The first day the Committee of Supplies was recommended to buy large amounts of pork, flour, rice and other provisions, and store them at Worcester and Concord. In the following week, spades, shovels, mess-bowls, fuses, cannon and ball were collected and deposited at the two places. On February 23, 1775, the Committee ordered the officers to assemble one-fourth of the militia, not for a general muster, but in order that the troops might meet for drill throughout the Province.
Afraid that Gage would attempt to capture the war stores that had been collected, the Committee appointed watches on March fourteenth and fifteenth, to guard them. Teams were kept in readiness to remove them and couriers provided to alarm the towns on the first news of a hostile movement of the British.
On the eighteenth of April the Committee of Safety was in session at a tavern in Menotomy (now Arlington). After the sitting, two of the members, Mr. Devens and Mr. Watson, left the others to go to Charlestown, but meeting an unusual number of British officers on the road, turned back to alarm their comrades. Later in the evening Devens received certain information that the enemy were in motion, and went at once to warn Gerry, Hancock, and Adams. He then started Paul Revere on his ride to Lexington and Concord. Through his efforts and those of the other couriers employed by the Committee, Gage’s secret was the property of the country side before morning.
The battle of Lexington marks the opening of the war and .the Committee of Safety bent its energies to raise forces and concentrate them around Boston as rapidly as possible. The Provincial Congress was not in session and responsibility in the crisis rested with the Committee. On the day after the battle a circular letter was sent to the different Massachusetts towns, telling the news, and setting forth in the strongest terms the need of an army, and begging them to encourage the enlistment of soldiers and to send them forward to Cambridge.They determined to raise eight thousand capable men from the Massachusetts forces, to organize them into regiments and place them under proper discipline. In this way, it was hoped, the nucleus of an efficient army would be formed.Troops were asked from Connecticut and Rhode Island, and the New Hampshire men in the Province were enlisted in the Massachusetts regiments.
The Provincial Congress met on the twenty-second of April and took general control of affairs, sending for the Committee of Safety to report on the situation and to present whatever plans it had in readiness. Throughout the session the Committee made frequent suggestions to the legislature and its advice was usually adopted. Occasionally the Congress referred matters to the Committee for consideration, asking it, for example, to form a plan for the establishment of the army, to decide on the expediency of removing war stores from the coast, or to report on the advisability of a further issue of paper money.As the Congress sat usually at Watertown and the Committee at Cambridge, where the troops were collecting, much trouble and loss of time was involved in carrying messages between the two places, and the Committee was often too busy to attend to the questions of the Congress until the second or even the third request. That, in spite of difficulties, the Congress took pains to consult it is evidence of the reliance placed on its judgment and its position of leadership.
In the weeks following the battle of Lexington an army was gathered. The Committee issued enlistment orders, assigned to the towns the quota of men they were to raise, and ordered them to be ready to move at a moment’s notice, or to march at once to Cambridge. The Committee saw that cannon and entrenching tools were collected and repaired. All was made ready for tile siege of Boston. The Selectmen and Committee of Correspondence of Chelsea were directed to prevent any food from reaching the city and the Committee of Safety granted or denied permission to enter it. Tile Committee did not give attention to Massachusetts alone. Benedict Arnold laid before it a plan for taking Ticonderoga, and it furnished him with powder, ball, flints, and horses. The expedition was sent under its authority and Arnold was directed to draw on it for expenses.
On May 19, 1775, the Committee received fresh powers, as it was felt the change in times rendered its former authority inadequate. Its new commission authorized it to call out the militia whenever, and for as long as it saw fit, and to station them where it thought best. All officers were required to give the Committee obedience. Any command of the Committee of Safety was, however, subject to the control of the Provincial Congress. The Committee was to recommend for commissions to the Congress those officers whose regiments were fully or nearly completed, but in the recess of Congress the Committee might give the commissions itself. The Committee of Safety was thus made Commander-in-Chief of the provincial troops, subject, however, to the control of the legislature. In consequence of this limitation, the natural fruit of long colonial distrust of executive authority, the Committee was careful to consult with the Congress before taking steps of importance, and thus its freedom of initiative was unfortunately checked to a considerable degree.
The Committee showed itself ready to consult with the officers, whose knowledge might be more direct than its own, and to accept their advice. For instance, the Council of War having decided that two thousand men were necessary to reinforce the army at Roxbury, the Committee of Safety at once issued orders to the militia officers of the neighboring towns to march to that place. Again, representatives of the Committee deliberated with the Council of War and some of the general officers on the question of securing Bunker Hill and Dorchester Neck.But though willing to consult with the army the Committee was as punctilious as a Long Parliament in upholding the ultimate superiority of the civil over the military power. For example, the Provincial Congress directed the Committee of Safety to deliver the small arms to those officers who should present orders for them from General Ward. Thereupon General Ward issued an order to the Committee to deliver the arms to those officers that made application for them. The Committee at once objected. Ward might order his officers to come for the arms; he had no right to order the Committee to deliver them. That power rested only with the Provincial Congress. It was a matter of vast importance, the Committee held, that no orders should be issued by the military to the civil power. Nevertheless at this moment public peril was felt to outweigh constitutional principle, and the Committee, in good Anglo-Saxon manner, having by protest prevented the establishment of a dangerous precedent, consented to give out the arms.
After the first months the Committee of Safety and the Committee of Supplies acted as separate and independent bodies; an uneconomical arrangement, since the Committee of Safety as commander of the troops was in the best position to know what quantities of food, clothing and other supplies were needed, and where they could be used to the best advantage. Instead the Committee of Supplies acted on its own initiative and the Committee of Safety could do no more than occasionally recommend measures to its notice. In the other colonies the Committee of Supplies was generally subject to the Committee of Safety or the latter was given its duties as part of its own commission.
The trial of suspected Tories lay properly outside the powers of the Committee, and it disliked to deal with them for this reason, referring the cases if possible to the Provincial Congress and recommending the appointment of a special court of inquiry.The Committee was exceedingly careful not to go beyond its commission for any reason and constantly refused to touch matters not expressly delegated to it, except in case of necessity, while constantly recommending measures to the Congress that seemed advisable. The commission of the Committee gave it no general discretionary power to act for the public good. In one respect, however, it was more free than the Committees in some of the other colonies. Unless directed to do so in acting on some special resolution of the Congress it was not obliged to submit its proceedings to that body. July 13, 1775, the last Committee of Safety of Massachusetts was appointed. The Colony had decided to go back as nearly as possible to its charter government, to call an assembly and to elect from this body a number of councillors. The Provincial Congress provided for the election of the new legislature, chose a new Committee of Safety to act in the interval before the assembly met and disbanded. The Committee’s former commission was abrogated and the new Committee given full power, until the thirteenth of July or until the Assembly took away its authority to assemble or discharge the militia on application of the Commander-in-Chief of the Continental Army or at its own discretion. The power of directing the forces was no longer given to it, but to the continental commander. The Committee was to procure and employ all such armorers and artificers as were needed by the troops, and to execute all duties given the former Committee by particular resolves of the Congress. It was to provide for the poor of Boston and Charlestown and if possible to prevent infection from small-pox being communicated by persons from the former town. The trial and disposal of prisoners of war and Tories was at this time definitely assigned to the Committee. It was also directed to care for any interests not otherwise provided for, thus being given a freer hand than formerly to provide for the general welfare. If necessary it might reassemble the Provincial Congress before the Assembly met.
The journal of this Committee of Safety has been lost. Its life was brief, as the new House of Representatives met July 19, 1775. Then, without being formally dissolved, the Committee ceased to act, its place being taken partly by the Councillors, partly by different committees appointed by the legislature.
July, 1775, saw the Governor of Virginia a fugitive and the members of the Assembly met as a Provincial Convention to raise and embody an armed force to defend the Province. The flight of the Governor left the Colony without an executive head and the Convention therefore appointed, on the sixteenth of August, a Committee of Safety of eleven members to continue until its next session.
It was to carry into execution all ordinances and resolutions of the Convention, to grant commissions to all provincial military officers, to appoint commissaries, paymasters and contractors and to provide for the troops. It was to issue warrants on the Treasurer to supply these agents with money and pay them for their services and to settle such incidental expenses as arose in connection with the military establishment. All public war stores were to be in its charge. The Committee, moreover, was made Commander-in-Chief of the forces of the Province, and every officer, to the highest, was obliged to swear obedience to it.
If sufficient danger threatened the Colony before the troops which the Convention had determined upon could be raised and organized, the Committee might call upon the volunteer companies which had already sprung up through the Colony, to take the field.
The Committee was directed to keep a journal and lay the account of its proceedings before the Convention for inspection. Its members were exempt from enlistmentand could hold no military office. A complete break with the royal government was insisted upon, since no member of the Committee might fill any position of profit under the Crown. Fifteen shillings a day (which a later Convention reduced to ten) was the compensation allowed the members.
By other acts of this Convention an appeal to the Committee of Safety was allowed any officer from the decision of a court-martial, and no sentence of death given in such a court could be executed until the Committee of Safety had given its approval.
The Convention adjourned till the first of December, leaving the Committee of Safety in charge. At the beginning of the next session, the Committee was continued, and on December 16th, a new one appointed of the same size, to sit until the Convention’s next session. The same powers that the former body had enjoyed were given it, and others added. Any person found aiding the enemy was liable to be seized and imprisoned, and his estates confiscated by the Committee, unless the latter saw fit to pardon him. Three men were appointed to act as a Court of Admiralty, and in all cases where the ship and cargo were condemned appeal was allowed to the Committee of Safety. It was, moreover, directed to commission five members from each of the county committees to have jurisdiction over all persons suspected of enmity to the State. It was to hear appeals from their decisions and its sentence was to be final. If a slave was taken in arms against the Colony or in possession of the enemy through his own choice, he could be sent by the Committee to any of the French or Spanish West Indies to be exchanged for war stores. If circumstances rendered his transportation inconvenient it could employ him in any way for the public service. Those inhabitants who refused to take up arms in the American cause, provided they had committed no act of hostility or enmity, might leave the Colony, under a license from the Committee of Safety.
The last Provincial Convention, the body that framed the new constitution of Virginia, came together in May, 1776. It revived the Committee of Safety, whose term expired with its meeting, and continued it until its own dissolution on July 5th.
Although the Assembly under the constitution was not to convene until fall, the Convention elected the Governor and Privy Council to take charge of the State till then and usher in the new regime. The need for the Committee of Safety therefore, was taken away, and it passed out of existence with the Convention.
The functions of the Virginia Committee were, in brief, to commission the officers, to command the troops, to appoint agents to equip and feed them, to pay the military expenses of the State, to imprison its hostile inhabitants, to hear appeals from the Admiralty Court, from the County Courts of Inquiry and from Courts Martial.
Its powers were extensive, controlling the military, and to a large extent the financial resources of the Colony, but during its administration no danger threatened Virginia sufficient to test the stability of its authority or its capacity to deal with a crisis. Its work during the year in which it was the executive of the Colony, consisted merely in organizing the militia, in providing it with necessaries and in sending troops to retaliate upon the irritating incursions of Lord Dunmore. The greater part of the inhabitants were Whigs and the orders of the Committee were fulfilled without friction. Virginia was not, like New Jersey or Pennsylvania, the scene of a conquering army, and the problems that their Committees had to face were not presented. Neither was it at any time obliged to assume the whole authority of the State. The Convention was in session during much of the year, and directed the Committee in various ways. Even during its adjournments it was still in existence and could always be brought together if sufficient danger threatened. The Committee of Virginia therefore occupied a less responsible position than the Councils of Safety of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, or of Vermont.
The Committee led a busy if not a stirring life. The actual work of procuring arms, accoutrements and provisions was largely in the care of commissaries and contractors chosen by it, but they were under the direction of the Committee and responsible to it, and every disbursement that was necessary to satisfy the wants of the troops, even the most minute, passed through its hands.
Conservative and radical elements clashed in Virginia as in Pennsylvania. The disagreement was not sufficient to overthrow the existing regime, but centering, as it did, around prominent personalities, brought with it sufficient bitterness. Patrick Henry, the leader of the radicals, had been appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Virginia army by the Convention. At the head of the Committee of Safety was Edmund Pendleton one of the foremost conservatives. It would seem that Henry was, as a matter of fact, a better orator than general. At all events his military capacity was distrusted to such an extent by the Committee of Safety that Colonel Woodford, a subordinate, but more experienced officer was detailed by it to command the expedition against Lord Dunmore. Opportunity for military achievement was rare in Virginia then and Henry felt the task should have been his. He resented the fact that Woodford reported directly to the Committee and not to him and finally, when the Committee ordered Henry to prepare for winter quarters, it seemed it was purposely refusing him any opportunity of an engagement before the Virginia troops should be taken into the Continental army, when he would be deprived of chief command. Henry never forgot the treatment accorded him, nor did his friends. When he resigned his commission in March, 1776, ready tongues insinuated that the envy of the Committee had sought to undermine his reputation and force him to the step. Supporters of the government hastened to clear the Committee from blame. The factional contest reappeared later in the contest over the election of the President of the Virginia Convention,and the question was discussed at large in the pages of the Virginia Gazette.
Little judicial duty fell to the Committee. As has been seen the first trial of suspects rested with the judges appointed from the county committees and commissioned by the Committee of Safety and cases of appeal were only rarely brought before the latter.
The greater part of the counties were well affected to the American cause but Princess Anne and Norfolk contained many Tories who lent aid to Lord Dunmore and gave intelligence of the plans of the Americans. These districts were sometimes ravaged by parties from the British fleet in search of provisions and the Committee of Safety, at the suggestion of General Lee, determined upon the extraordinary measure of removing the population of the two counties into the interior to keep the friendly inhabitants from harm, and to prevent the Tories from communicating with the fleet. An order to this effect was issued April 10, 1776. All inhabitants, whether friendly or hostile, that resided between the shore and the American posts, were directed to remove at once to the interior. To compel them to go, their live stock and slaves were to be seized by the army and redelivered only when they had complied with the order. All those in any part of the two counties who had previously joined the British side or taken oath to support it were to move at least thirty miles away from the shore, and, to enforce submission, the slaves of all suspected of belonging to this class were to be taken and to be returned only at the order of the Committee, when the owners were settled in some secure place. Three men were appointed to superintend the matter and £1000 was to be advanced to them to pay the expenses. All who were willing to provide dwellings for the emigrants were requested to give notice in the Virginia Gazette.
It is difficult to justify a proceeding so arbitrary and so productive of needless suffering. Its apologists have claimed that, though harsh, it was rendered necessary by the danger of the time. This does not seem probable, for Lord Dunmore had not shown himself able to gain any ground in Virginia or to deal the Americans any effective blow. The Committee may have feared the approach of Howe’s fleet and army, but there was no certainty of their coming.No serious danger threatened and it seems an absurdity, in spite of the grave assertions of the Committee, to depopulate the counties to protect them from marauding expeditions and to prevent the Tories from furnishing the fleet with supplies. It was reasonably certain that in leaving and losing their houses and land and their business, in subjecting their live stock and slaves to the uncertainty they must encounter before they were recovered and in removing to a strange part of the Colony the inhabitants would suffer more loss, discomfort and distress than it was possible to receive from the enemy’s guns. As for the Tories it would seem far less trouble to keep so vigilant a guard that communication with the ships would be impossible than to attempt the task of transporting them all into the interior. It is a striking illustration of the despotic character of the revolutionary governments and of the folly into which their excessive fear of the British arms and their inexperience in government led them.
Steps were soon taken to enforce the order and Colonel Woodford was directed to take general charge of the removal, and to deal with the people as humanely as possible.Woodford complied and set about his task. This high handed interference with persons and property aroused inevitable opposition and a petition was sent to the Committee from Princess Anne County setting forth the distress that would ensue if the order was fully executed. It was therefore reconsidered and modified to some extent. Six men were appointed to find out those in the two counties who had taken active part in behalf of the American cause, those who had remained quietly neutral, and those who had appeared in opposition. The commanding officer at Suffolk or vicinity was to allow the friends and neutrals to remain unmolested, but to send into the interior all live stock not necessary for their subsistence. Those who had committed themselves against the cause were still forced to remove with their families and effects.
The Convention met early in May and the conditions were altered again. Besides the Tories, the friendly inhabitants within certain sections were ordered to leave because of the particular danger of their situation. The rest were free to remain, unless the commander of the neighboring troops, on urgent necessity, saw fit to remove them. The expenses of the American sympathizers were to be paid by the public, those of the disaffected from the sale of their estates.
It was found, however, that the people of the two counties were in distress for want of food, and on May 16, a resolution was passed by the Convention permitting the men of the Whig party to remain and care for their crops, but obliging the removal of their families, slaves and live stock. There was little probability of this order being carried out. It took from the farmers the important service of their cattle and slaves. It involved the separation of families and placed the support of the women and children on the government. Having conceded so much, it is not surprising to find the convention a fortnight later rescinding the order for removal entirely, as far as it related to friends.The Tories were still compelled to leave.
In the absence of evidence to the contrary it is reasonable to assume that the orders against the Whigs may not have been rigidly enforced, and that they may have suffered comparatively little. They were few in number and the frequent issue of directions concerning them, show that some at least must have remained in their homes throughout. Between April 10 and May 3, the officers probably waited to know the result of the petition. From May 3 .to May 11, when the first order of the Convention was passed. the Whigs were under the protection given by the Council. There remained then only the time from the eleventh to the twenty-eighth when the order was repealed, when they were in any considerable danger, and during that period influence was probably busy to secure delay, mitigation and at length the total repeal of the obnoxious measure.
The Tories probably suffered considerably. Lee writes from Suffolk, on April 23, that he is busy clearing the country of them and an overseer of the poor, in the county of Norfolk, speaks of the removal of a great many of the inhabitants with their families and goods.The confiscation of their estates made their departure profitable to the government and it was therefore not likely to be stopped. The sufferings of the Tories darken the pages of our revolutionary history. Men dreaded the power of their numbers, their wealth and their influence, and fear was quick to devise harsh measures. However successful its work along other lines, the Virginia committee, in ordering the removal of the Tories from Princess Anne and Norfolk Counties, must stand condemned both for want of judgment and of humanity.
Committees of Safety
by Carmen Miner Smith, 2006
Committees of Safety were a network of committees authorized by the Continental Congress, endorsed by the Second Provincial Congress of North Carolina and the North Carolina Assembly, and established in late 1774 and early 1775 to enforce the Continental Association banning all trade with Britain. The committees, located in 18 counties and 4 towns throughout North Carolina, performed such duties as spreading Whig propaganda, making military preparations, enforcing price ceilings on strategic items, seizing and selling imported goods, reshipping slaves and other imports, punishing violators of the Continental Association with boycotts, and regulating public morals. The Committees of Safety, particularly the Wilmington-New Hanover committee, one of the most active, contributed to the breakdown of the royal government in North Carolina by causing Governor Josiah Martin to flee in fear in June 1775 to Fort Johnston, on the mouth of the Cape Fear River, and then to the British warship Cruizer.
The Assembly, dissolved by Martin on 8 Apr. 1775 for its endorsement of the Committees of Safety, was replaced by the Third Provincial Congress of North Carolina on 20 Aug. 1775. The congress proceeded to declare itself the temporary government and created the Provincial Council to oversee security in the colony and direct the activities of the Committees of Safety.
Of the two Carolinas the northern was less favored with the attention and care of the mother country. The affection and gratitude felt by her people toward England was much slighter than that which bound South Carolina; and neglect bred in them a self-reliance and independence that brought confidence of success when they joined the Revolution. Moreover the Governor of North Carolina and the Assembly were in conflict just previous to the war, and the leaders of the latter at the first signals of general opposition broke away from the government, in relief at the prospect of having their own way, unhampered by the representative of the Crown. The ideas and principles of the Revolution found quick sympathy in North Carolina, and joined to their local troubles, won the people to the common cause. Provincial Congresses were called and in spite of the denunciations of the Governor, the administration passed into their hands.
Rendered powerless in his civil capacity, with no military protection, deprived even of the few cannon he had gathered for his defense, and feeling, with good reason, that his position was insecure, the Governor, in the summer of 1775, took refuge in the King’s sloop of war, the &Cruizer,& that was anchored in the Cape Fear river. The Congress thereupon shifted the blame for the situation upon his helpless shoulders, declaring that he had refused to exercise the functions of his office and abandoned his Province without occasion.Having thus justified themselves, with reminiscence perhaps, of the British Parliament and James II., the Congress created a temporary executive of its own.
There already existed in the Province, town and county committees which had been in active operation since their appointment in the fall of 1774, as Committees of Inquiry and Correspondence. These committees regulated the affairs of their districts and treated harshly any who dared raise a voice in opposition. This system of committees was too well rooted and too useful to be abolished, but their excesses had displeased many of the moderate Whigs and it was decided to bring them, if possible, under greater control.
On September 9, 1775, a graded system of committees was established to serve as the Colony’s executive, in place of Governor Martin and the royal officials. A Provincial Council of thirteen members was elected by ballot in the Congress, two named by the members from each of the six districts and one by the Congress as a whole. This Council in the recess of the legislature was to issue to the officers their certificates of appointment, which were to take the place of commissions. The militia officers that were chosen by the people might be disallowed in the Council, to prevent the choice of unsuitable persons. Any vacancies among the officers were to be filled at the Council’s appointment. It was to have the direction, regulation arid maintenance of the army, and the whole military establishment, subject only to the control of the Congress. It might suspend any officer and order a court-martial whose sentence was to be final unless otherwise decided by the Congress. Finally, it was given discretionary power to do everything it judged necessary for the security and defense of the Province, provided this did not involve the alteration or suspension of any act of the legislature. To render its power effective it was authorized to draw on the treasury for any sum necessary for the public service. The members were to meet but once in three months, unless circumstances compelled more frequent sessions. Ten shillings a day were allowed them for expenses. Any vacancy in the Council in the recess of Congress was to be filled by vote of the Committee of Safety of the district in which the vacancy had occurred. The commission of this Board hears a close resemblance to that given by South Carolina to her Council of Safety in the previous June, and it seems probable that it may have been modelled upon it.
Below the Provincial Council came District Committees of Safety consisting of a President and twelve other members who were to sit quarterly in the chief towns in their respective districts.They were to be chosen by ballot in the Provincial Congress by the representatives of the different districts. Under the control of the Provincial Council they were to direct the militia and other forces of the Colony. They were to receive information and punish offenders both as a court of original jurisdiction and also as a court of appeal from the town and county committees. No person holding a military office except in the militia could act either as a member of the Provincial Council or of a Committee of Safety. Full power was given to both bodies to compel debtors, who were suspected of being about to leave the province with debts unpaid, to give security to their creditors, or in default of this to cause the person or property of the delinquent to be seized and held until the creditor received satisfaction. The same power was given to the county committees in cases of twenty pounds or under. The Committees of Safety were further authorized to call all persons liable for public money to account and compel payment by imprisonment and seizure of estates. The power of both Provincial Council and Committees of Safety was to last during the recess of Congress and until further orderwas taken in the matter by that body. Their proceedings were to be laid before it for inspection.
Finally came the Town and County Committees. In each county the freeholders were to elect yearly a committee of twenty-one as a County Committee. In the three largest towns in the province, Edenton, Newbern and Wilmington, Town Committees of fifteen were to be chosen. In the smaller towns, which had the right of representation in the Provincial Congress, committees of seven were to be chosen. Permission was given these Town and County Committees to act together if they saw fit. The Committees were to execute within their precincts all orders and resolutions of the Continental and Provincial Congresses and of their district Committees of Safety. Each Town and County Committee might make such regulations for its own section as it saw fit, save that no corporal punishment, except imprisonment, might be inflicted. It was thus hoped that the tarring and feathering that had disgraced the Colony might be made a thing of the past. No person was to be allowed to commence any lawsuit without leave from the County Committee, and no suit then pending could be continued without its consent. From each Town and County Committee a subcommittee of seven persons was to be chosen by the members to act as a Committee of Secrecy, Intelligence and Observation, which was to correspond with the Provincial Council, the Committees of Safety, and the other committees in North Carolina and neighboring colonies. They were to take up all suspected persons and if necessary send them to the Provincial Council or Committee of Safety.
This schedule, complete anti well organized as it seems, was in reality but a compromise and half-way measure. The importance of the local committees which had possession of the field made the Convention feel, whether rightly or not, that it was impossible to put at once a controlling central executive over the Province.A Council meeting but once in three months could not endanger the independence of the local committees. Moreover its duties, as far as specifically outlined related chiefly to the army. The function of the District Committees was similar, save that the duty of arresting and punishing delinquents was added. It was the Town and County Committees that were especially delegated to carry out the laws of the Colony,to control the courts, to govern and police the districts. The system differed from that adopted by other colonies, where the provincial Council of Safety, besides caring for and directing the army, was intrusted with the execution of the acts of the legislature, and the county committees were used as agents, by the central Council, to carry the plans of the government into effect in the localities.
The Provincial Council met for the first time October 17, 1775, a little more than a month after the adjournment of the Congress. It was in session but five days. It next came together in December and was content with a sitting of a week. Its third and last session began on February 28, 1776, and ended March 5. Meeting at such considerable intervals and so soon dispersing, it was unable not only to become the leading power in the Province but it could not give that close personal attention to the multifarious details of the military establishment which characterized many of the other provincial Councils. Many of its duties fell of necessity to the army officers and to the other committees, to the loss of a consistent and economic regulation of the whole. When neither Congress nor Council was in session there was no central government and the Province presented a condition of decentralization that boded ill if a strong attack should be made by the British.
The Council employed its short sessions in making some provision for the troops. All the flour and pork for sale in the Province was engaged by it, and the export of pork, bacon, rice and peas forbidden, unless salt, arms and ammunition were brought in return.Commissioners were appointed at the different ports to give permits for this limited trade.Certain of the Council chartered vessels and undertook the importation of ammunition, while three armed ships were fitted out to protect the trade. Friends of the cause were asked to buy all the powder, saltpetre and sulphur possible for public use and place it in the hands of the Town and County Committees. A large committee was appointed to purchase materials and engage workmen to make and mend guns. The gun carriages were repaired and the guns mounted.The Council also appointed commissaries and paymasters for the troops and supplied them with money.
Although general orders were issued by the Council to the two continental battalions to oppose the landing of any hostile force, the Board was not called upon during the time it was in session to deal with any attack. The attempt was made to isolate Governor Martin completely, that he might not stir up opposition to the new government among the loyalists. The Committees of Wilmington and Brunswick and the officer of the troops at Cape Fear were recommended to cut off personal communication from the shore to the &Cruizer& and to examine all letters to the Governor. The Wilmington District Committee was authorized to stop the supply of provisions to the ship, whenever it was found expedient.In a few cases the Council tried and punished Tories,but they were left generally to the discretion of the local committees. The Council recommended that all suspects should be disarmed and required to take oath to oppose neither the Continental nor Provincial Congress, nor to aidthe British in any way.Little attempt was made to direct or regulate the local committees.
The District Committees of Safety were not active bodies. The Province was not large enough, nor its affairs complex enough to call for this additional machinery which the Congress had placed between the Council and the County Committees. They had no basis in necessity and answered no purpose which might not have been as well fulfilled by the central Council in giving directions and the county committees in co-operating to fulfill them. As six unrelated bodies the Committees of Safety could not take the direction of the Province while the Council was not in session. The Town and County Committees took charge of their localities with no need of outside assistance. The fact that the Council found it necessary to order some of these District Committees to meet is a sign they found no business ready to hand, that demanded their attention.
The Town and County Committees on the other hand were active and energetic. The Wilmington Committee collected all the guns in town, bought all the lead that the place afforded, to run into balls, employed a powder-maker, furnished him with saltpetre and sulphur and set another workman at the task of making cartridges.It saw that the inhabitants drilled in the militia, it protected the channel by sinking boats, and prohibited supplies from reaching the &Cruizer,& before the Provincial Council took order in the matter.Orders were given for no ship to load or to clear from the port without its permission or that of a higher power. When danger threatened, its District Committee was asked for troops. It was dangerous to question its acts, for reflections on its proceedings or disobedience to its orders were punished with imprisonment, and release was granted only on bonds given for good behavior. Strict account was kept of those who refused to sign the test.Its consent was necessary to the prosecution of a law-suit, and a man who had been imprisoned by a creditor without the Committee’s permission was set free.In the other counties and towns work of a similar character went on, each putting its precinct into a position of defense, regulating the business of the courts and the affairs of the people.
When danger threatened from the Scotch Highlanders of the back districts, who, at the command of Governor Martin, had gathered to the King’s standard and started, on February 17, 1776, on their march to the coast, the Provincial Council was not in session. Neither did it see fit to summon its members to meet the crises, but left it to the local committees. The District Committees gave orders to their militia officers to march, the County Committees cooperated,and at the battle of Moore’s Creek, February 27, 1776, the force of the Highlanders was completely broken. The Provincial Council met the next day and participated in the affair only so far as to offer to the troops a vote of thanks.
The fourth Provincial Congress which met at the call of the Council in April, 1776, struggled to form a new constitution, but the conservatives and radicals differed so strongly over the provisions of the instrument that the matter was postponed until fall. The Congress contented itself with remedying the faults in the system already in existence. The District Committees of Safety were dropped. In place of the Provincial Council a Council of Safety was created of the same size and chosen in the same way as its predecessor. It was, however, to be a more permanent body, to sit from &day to day& from the adjournment of the present Congress to the meeting of the next. The members were allowed twenty shillings, &proclamation money, for their services.It was vested with full authority to do all acts necessary for the defense and protection of the Province, but this jurisdiction was carefully limited to exclude it from altering, suspending or abrogating any resolution of the legislature, from emitting bills of credit, from levying taxes or from laying duties on exports and imports, from giving orders on the Continental treasury (except on urgent necessity and then for no sums over £30,000), from erecting any offices, or courts, from judging any civil or criminal offense, except where a resolution of the Congress gave it special permission. It could, however, examine anti commit persons suspected of enmity to the cause and restrain any from leaving the Province by sea. Full power was given the Council to establish Courts of Admiralty at Edenton, Newbern, Bath and Wilmington and to appoint their judges. It was also to appoint commissioners at different ports to see that the continental and provincial restrictions on commerce were carried out. It was further enabled to compel all collectors of public money to account for the same, and to see that the proper amount was paid to the Treasurer.The Council was elected on May 11, 1776; and it was directed that its votes should be taken by districts.Any one considering himself aggrieved by an order or determination of the Council bad leave to appeal against it to the next Congress, while the Council served as final judge in complaints brought against the Town and County Committees.
The Council of Safety while not sitting without interruption, was in session the greater part of the time from June 6 to October 25. It had no fixed abode, but sat at intervals in different parts of the Province. The arrangement was advantageous in bringing the central government into view of the people, but must have hampered it in receiving information from outside the section in which it was, since no one knew exactly where it was to be found.
The Council’s work resembled that of its predecessor, but was much more effective. It acted as chief executive of the Province. Its greater permanence made it the true head of the State in the recess of the legislature and enabled its supervision to extend to matters of more detail. It also gave the localities greater oversight.It labored steadily to provide arms, ammunition and salt for the troops. Some supplies came in through trade, some were furnished by the Continental Congress on the Council’s application, but North Carolina relied largely upon manufacturing for herself what she needed. It was a great undertaking for a poor colony, entering upon a struggle with a rich and powerful nation, to establish and encourage manufactories of arms, powder, salt and saltpetre. The policy, however, was adopted by the Provincial Congress and faithfully carried on by the Council, which furnished the undertakers with money to start their business, encouraged them with bounties and sent even to the Northern States for workmen. The promotion of these industries bore heavily upon the people and we find the Council enumerating it among the causes which had involved the Province in a load of debt well-nigh insupportable.
Governor Martin did not again threaten the State with civil war or with British troops, and the forces of North Carolina only saw service during this period in assisting Virginia and South Carolina against the depredations of the enemy’s ships and in putting down an Indian rising on the western frontier. The Council issued orders to the officers to aid the neighboring colonies or to subdue the Indians, but did not seek to control their movements further or to direct the campaign.
In the fall of 1776, General Lee succeeded in antagonizing the Council by arbitrary interference with the North Carolina troops. Lee felt that the battalions of Georgia and South Carolina should be completed as soon as possible and therefore gave authority to their officers to enlist men for the purpose from the regiments of North Carolina and Virginia.This was done, and coming to the ears of the North Carolina Council aroused natural indignation and opposition. The Council was willing to send troops to aid its neighbors, but not to let them completely out of its control. A resolution was passed condemning Lee’s action, and General Howe was ordered to reclaim those soldiers of the State that had already enlisted and remand all North Carolina troops then in Georgia to their own State.
Privateering was popular in North Carolina and the Council issued letters of marque and reprisal to persons who would undertake it, while employing armed vessels for the State to cruise against English merchantmen.
The Council freely exercised its right to try and to punish Tories. Some were imprisoned, some paroled within a certain district; others were liberated on giving bonds for good behavior or simply taking the oath of allegiance.In spite of the prohibition of the Congress the Council assumed jurisdiction over certain criminal cases. Counterfeiters were abundant and were arrested and tried before the Council.That body also took charge of the case of a horse and slave thief and of a man accused of assault and battery.Although the Council stepped directly outside its legal bounds the Congress took no notice of the infringement. Probably the necessity of the time pled as excuse. In fact during the existence of both Provincial Council and Council of Safety the legislature did not review their acts, but accepted them without comment. The Council must have been generally satisfactory to the people, for there is no record of any appeal against it.
November 12, 1776, the fifth Provincial Congress came together and succeeded in framing a constitution which vested the executive in a Governor and Council of State, appointed by the legislature. The Council of Safety had come to an end when the Congress met. To provide therefore for the executive department until the first General Assembly, a Governor and Council were appointed by the Congress, by ordinance.

roswell47's picture

In recent times court point to the 11th Amendment , claiming it gives States immunity from its citizens suing for injuries-monetary damages......THATS SHOWS HOW CORRUPT OUR JUDICIARY HAS BECOME. No where in the 11th does it say what courts claim---it does say that a State cannot be sued by a citizen of another State.............Thomas Paine would explain it for those who can't read.....and examine.  If the desire of the Amendment created by Congress was to immunize States 100 % don't you think they would have just written the words that "A State cannot be sued by its' own citizens or the citizens of another state" the corruption stands now A state can cause injury to its citizenry "any way it likes" and the only slap that it gets is from the Federal Government to "stop if it violates Federal Law".....Under such lies-a citizen injured by its resident state cannot be made whole again....except where an official of the state action-acting under color of law-violates the Constitution-then that official is stripped of his State cloak of immunity and can personally be sued under U.S. 42 Sec 1983....

vhannevig's picture

For the supplements mentioned by Captian John on the April 27th call,, go to the National Liberty Alliance - Illinois Facebook site at
Here's a few things Captian John mentioned during his presentation:
1. Beginners tend to be vague in their requests, either asking for too much, or being non specific. The BGA presenter, a BAR attorney, was asked by me what is the exact wording he uses. His response was "documents sufficient to show". For example the question how many complaints were filed against so and so should read , please supply documents sufficient to show how many complaints were filed against so and so. This will eliminate a lot of rejections.
2. All public bodies must make available a reasonably current and detailed list of all types and categories of documents under the public body's control. To me, this is tremendously useful. When I read such a list, I come across things I never would have thought of asking for....but could really use.
3. There is no charge for FOIA responses in digital format (pdf) via email.
4. If you wish to remain anonymous in your request, you can use an anonymous email account , making the request by email. The presenter said he was not aware of any statute preventing you from making a request with a made up/fake name, nor was he aware that anyone had ever made an issue of using fake names. COOL!
5. When requesting emails, always remember to ask for email attachments too.
6. All exemptions (refusals) to respond to FOIA's are STATUTORY.  A public agency/body cannot refuse to respond to your FOIA because they said so...they MUST quote the statute that exempts them from responding. In my view this is a biggie because this happens all the time.
7. When requesting Excel spreadsheets the public agency/body MUST supply the digital Excel spreadsheet...not a hard copy pdf. This is a biggie for those that investigate budgets, salaries, and contracts.
8. A public agency/body must PROVE due diligence that they provided all documents requested, or that they    really  looked for a document (s) and it is actually lost. If contested by you in court, they will respond by affidavit. Judges generally have favored the affidavits so contesting the affidavit is generally a loser.
9. One cannot FOIA anything under attorney/client privelege, but you can FOIA attorney work product (s) ...meaning the attorney￿s grunt work/research/documents collected etc.
10. Getting info from courts is a sticky wicket. Surprised? Nah!
    What information is exempt?
       DELIBERATIVE PROCESS: Pre-decisional records " in which opinions are expressed or policies or actions formulated.
        does NOT apply to purely factual material.
        does NOT apply  to final decisions or alleged  " drafts" that are functioning as  decisions.
        does NOT apply to unverified information.
        does NOT apply " when the record is publicly cited  and identified by the head of the public body".

11. Two Remedies For FOIA Denials...1. file request for review with Attorney General's Public Access Counselor...or 2. a lawsuit. Be advised the AG PAC may take up to a year to make a decision. Even a favorable decision can be non binding and ignored. ( Last year, out of 5000 cases, only 400 were ruled binding). It was 'recommended' to sue right away instead of waiting for the AG PAC opinion. I agree.

The OMA was not addressed at all, as time ran out.

In closing, if you wish to learn FOIA basics, I recommend the material found at

My favorite list for an introductory FOIA : 1. Articles of incorporation; 2. Bylaws; 3. DBA; 4. EIN; 5. W 9; 6. Annual status letter from the IRS confirming the public agency/body is a tax exempt non profit which certifies they are a municipal corporation ( aka government) . See Robb Ryder, Youtube: Make them whine , ask for W9 , for explanation of this awesomely powerful list.

1. Make Then Whine, Ask For W9 -
2. Case Dismissed Administratively -
3. Option B  Central,Violation Bureau -
4.This Is A FOIA Request -
5. Make Them Whine A Second Time -

vhannevig's picture

Hey fellow Vets! Let's not get too excited about the U.S. severing ties with the UN.
In case you weren't aware, H.R. 193, introduced by Rep. Rogers, Mike D. [R-AL-3] to sever U.N. ties through funding, etc., may not be enough. I've not seen anyone (yet) mention the severing of our ties to NATO. Have you?
Here's why I bring this up.
The following is excerpted from
" . . . In addition to its traditional role in the territorial defense of Allied nations, NATO leads the UN-mandated International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan and has ongoing missions in the Balkans and the Mediterranean; it also conducts extensive training exercises and offers security support to partners around the globe, including the European Union in particular but also the United Nations and the African Union. . . . "

MoluccanCockatoo's picture

Dear Ms. Veronica, (Nicky)
I want to personnelly thank you for asking Cap. John for his permission (ok) if he wouldn't mind if you were to post this information here for us who are not on Facebook. Without this posting we (not on Facebook) would not have had access to this important information.
Being he had stated, quite strongly that he would not do it!
Again I want to thank you for your foresight and thoughtfullness in this matter.
Very professionally done.
Peace an Liberty.
Dennis Wendt
Co-Chairman Lake County, Illinois Committee of Safety
Cellular: (224) 830-3839

vhannevig's picture

To Change a Populated System:

     Understand - and acknowledge - that people within a system may be rigidly attached to a sub-system that has a different function than the larger system. (Colonial background)
     Strengthen its people’s ownership of their own natural resources both seen and unseen. (Skills Building for Mediators - Asking Questions)

     Develop practical “rituals” or “rites of passage” that encourage interdependence and interconnectedness within each of the systems’ sub-systems and, within the larger system. (”The Ambulance Down in the Valley" - About Maintenance, Champerty and Schmooze)

     De-triangulate from inorganic “fictional” entities that limit and (sometimes) prohibit the type of self-sufficiency that secures to yourself and your posterity the blessings of Liberty. (Jurist Orientation - Undue Influence )

     Identify exceptions and handle them with wisdom and compassion.  (Conflict Resolution: Strategies for Transition)

     Recognize that maturation is a process wherein and whereby innate skills are developed and perfected.  (Twelve Steps to Spiritual Maturity and Recovery – Vocations)
     Each of the powerpoints used in the presentations can be accessed at the bottom right of the page at and modified for local use.

PatAZMaricopa's picture

The United States Constitution states in Article I, Section 10, “No State shall…make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts.” States have simply ignored this constitutional provision for years. It’s impossible for states to return to a constitutional sound money system when it taxes gold and silver as a commodity.
This Kentucky bill takes a step towards that constitutional requirement, ignored for decades in every state. Such a tactic would set the stage to undermine the monopoly of the Federal Reserve by introducing competition into the monetary system.
Constitutional tender expert Professor William Greene said when people in multiple states actually start using gold and silver instead of Federal Reserve Notes, it would effectively nullify the Federal Reserve and end the federal government’s monopoly on money.

TheCountess's picture

Is there any gold left to back the currency? Fort Knox is void of any prescious alloys.
And is the State of Kentucky actually insituting their own currency away from the fiat dollar?

John57's picture

Great article , watch x22spotlight interview with Jim Willie  youtube 11/1/16 as the curent dollar goes away so does the f e d reserve

Bradley Amendment's picture

Judges are deemed constitutional officers and Superior Court is deemed a constitutional court! This court resides in COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, MUscogee, County. Columbus Georgia is a corportate municipality!  The practice is to jail every father that does not have access to an attorney! How can this be a constitutional court and use civil contempt in order to circumvent or usurp the constitutional protections!

Bradley Amendment's picture

States are using ARREARS in order to keep fathers in debt. Arrears are being used in order to justify unlawful bench warrants and are being used to increase the civl debt. It doesnt matter what the situation: sick, injured, unemployed, employed, the states are charging fathers with arrears and the states are creating code in order for employers to profit from the arrears they created. See OCGA 19-6-33 and Title IV-D and Title IV-E!  Everyone is skimming off of the child support orders and making fathers go through the state,instead of paying their own support!  Georgia is one of the worst states!

Bradley Amendment's picture

How are SUPERIOR COURTS circumventing PROBABLE CAUSE to ARREST, when NO Crime has beenn committed, regarding child support? All paperwork suggest that a crime as been committed and that an arrest has taken place.  Why are fathers, fingerprinted and forced to take a MUG SHOT, and forced to take a TB shot and placed into a criminal database and the father is not charged with a crime!!

PatAZMaricopa's picture

Mark Potok is the editor of the Southern Poverty Law Center's Intelligence Report.
Ryan Lenz is Senior Writer for the SPLC's Intelligence Project, Editor of its Hatewatch blog (@hatewatch), former Associated Press war correspondent.

Jan@NLA's picture

A joint study by Princton and Northwestern Universities in 2014 concluded that we are now an Oligarchy! See for the study or for a summary.

Francis Young's picture

A constitutional scholar just informed earlier tonight that, since the ten planks of the Communist Manifesto are in place, our government is communist in practice.

Injured Party's picture

The Civic courses are working for me now at the public library, very interesting stuff. Thank you NLA.

Redhawk77734's picture

The answer is there. Make sure that you are spelling it correctly. I ran into that numerous times.

lawman2's picture

In some instanes you may have the correct spelling , but the trouble is that the answer entry form on the page has glitched out. Her eis how I have resolved that issue. 
    1. Note your answers so that you can reenter them. You can take a screenshot, or write them down.
    2. Refresh the screen.
    3. Important! Makes sure you cut and paste the answers out of the provided pool of answers. DON'T type in your answers.
I hope this helps.

Romona's picture

The answer is Constitution.

Injured Party's picture

Our parental rights terminated today for out last child by a judgement summary with no due process in a foreign court. So sad.

Bradley Amendment's picture

Was there clear and convincing evidence, that the behavio,r of the parent or parents, justified the unlawful terminiation, of your parental rights? Was there a Trial by JURY?

Injured Party's picture

No trial by jury, no evidence at all. Complete violation of rights.

remaryhenrich's picture

15 U.S. Code § 1 - Trusts, etc., in restraint of trade illegal; penalty:Every contract, combination in the form of trust or otherwise, or conspiracy, in restraint of trade or commerce among the several States, or with foreign nations, is declared to be illegal. Every person who shall make any contract or engage in any combination or conspiracy hereby declared to be illegal shall be deemed guilty of a felony, and, on conviction thereof, shall be punished by fine not exceeding $100,000,000 if a corporation, or, if any other person, $1,000,000, or by imprisonment not exceeding 10 years, or by both said punishments, in the discretion of the court.
15 U.S. Code § 1122 - Liability of United States and States, and instrumentalities and officials thereof:
(a)Waiver of sovereign immunity by the United States
The United States, all agencies and instrumentalities thereof, and all individuals, firms, corporations, other persons acting for the United States and with the authorization and consent of the United States, shall not be immune from suit in Federal or State court by any person, including any governmental or nongovernmental entity, for any violation under this chapter.

(b)Waiver of sovereign immunity by States

Any State, instrumentality of a State or any officer or employee of a State or instrumentality of a State acting in his or her official capacity, shall not be immune, under the eleventh amendment of the Constitution of the United States or under any other doctrine of sovereign immunity, from suit in Federal court by any person, including any governmental or nongovernmental entity for any violation under this chapter.


In a suit described in subsection (a) or (b) for a violation described therein, remedies (including remedies both at law and in equity) are available for the violation to the same extent as such remedies are available for such a violation in a suit against any person other than the United States or any agency or instrumentality thereof, or any individual, firm, corporation, or other person acting for the United States and with authorization and consent of the United States, or a State, instrumentality of a State, or officer or employee of a State or instrumentality of a State acting in his or her official capacity. Such remedies include injunctive relief under section 1116 of this title, actual damages, profits, costs and attorney’s fees under section 1117 of this title, destruction of infringing articles under section 1118 of this title, the remedies provided for under sections1114, 1119, 1120, 1124 and 1125 of this title, and for any other remedies provided under this chapter.

42 U.S. Code § 12202 - State immunity:A State shall not be immune under the eleventh amendment to the Constitution of the United States from an action in [1] Federal or State court of competent jurisdiction for a violation of this chapter. In any action against a State for a violation of the requirements of this chapter, remedies (including remedies both at law and in equity) are available for such a violation to the same extent as such remedies are available for such a violation in an action against any public or private entity other than a State.

a must watch share Holding Public Servants Accountable - And Collecting!
Holding Public Servants Accountable - And Collecting!
Subscribe to our newsletter at Fascinating discussion on how to go after the bond of e...

remaryhenrich's picture

I am being charged and tried in court for the same crimes I JUST WON IN COURT!!
. WE ARE LOSING THIS COUNTRY i was arrested today for the same crimes i won in court i need HELP i'm in Virginia my email is i was forced in bad health to walk (no Taxi here) in this heat 3 miles to get my car..